Showing posts with label UID. Show all posts
Showing posts with label UID. Show all posts

Saturday, April 2, 2016

DBTL and Aadhaar: Calling the Bluff on Savings

R. Ramakumar

Siddharth George and Arvind Subramanian (S&A), who participated in the manufacture of that famous figure of Rs 12,500 crore as DBTL/Aadhaar-led savings in LPG subsidy, make a heroic effort to defend their case in today's Indian Express. In the process, they end up exposing themselves even more. You can read the piece for their argument, but here are the areas where they are on extremely slippery slope.

1) It turns out that S&A's much-trumpeted estimate of LPG savings is not "actual", but just "illustrative" and "potential". They admit it in the piece. They say: "We did not — and did not intend to — assert that that absolute figure was in fact the actual saving in 2014-15". Amen!

2) Regardless of what S&A say, the government had claimed in two official releases that the LPG savings were even higher than what S&A estimated for 2014-15: Rs 14,672 crore (see http://pib.nic.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx?relid=128653 AND http://pib.nic.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx?relid=132587). The first press release was in response to the International Institute of Sustainable Development's (IISD) rebuttal of S&A's claim of Rs 12,500 crore. Do not miss this crucial link.

3) S&A's method and its assumptions are deeply suspect. What do they do? They take a set of districts where DBTL was introduced ("treated") and another set of districts where it was not introduced ("control"). They then compare the trends of subsidised LPG consumption across these two sets. Then comes the key assumption: "We expect that DBT reduces consumption in treated districts because the scheme makes it more difficult for LPG distributors to divert subsidised cylinders to “ghost beneficiaries”."

What is the fallacy here? It is the following. What S&A are doing is to credit the DBTL with a function that it did not perform. It was not by forcing the LPG customer to pay full price and then putting a part of it into his/her bank account (which is what DBTL did) that the subsidised LPG consumption was reduced. What reduced the LPG consumption was the fact that the beneficiary list was effectively pruned of duplicates. And much of this pruning of the list was completed before the DBTL or Aadhaar-seeding was introduced. S&A should know that what made diversion of LPG cylinders more difficult was not the DBTL, but the fact that "duplicates", who performed the diversion function, were eliminated from the beneficiary list. It is also a fact that a number of genuine beneficiaries were pushed out of the list of LPG consumers eligible for subsidy by different dubious methods, including by forcing them to submit their Aadhaar numbers for seeding. How can S&A claim what was achieved by list-based de-duplication of beneficiaries and forced exclusion as having been achieved by Aadhaar and a bank transfer of subsidies? Surely, S&A do not consider Indians to be fools to simply swallow their point!

4) While S&A are eloquent about 2014-15, they are silent on the IISD's powerful rebuttal of the government estimates for 2015-16 as well. Here, IISD argues that the LPG savings for 2015-16 was just Rs 120 crore. Remember, here again, Arvind Subramanian himself had a claim of Rs 6,500 crore; he had said: "savings this fiscal are estimated at Rs 6,500 crore".

I have tried to summarise the IISD method and estimate in the article I wrote for the last issue of Frontline.

Wednesday, December 19, 2012

Cash Evangelism

My article in the latest issue of Frontline:

COVER STORY

Cash evangelism
 
R. RAMAKUMAR 

The dogmatic insistence on wholesale substitution of existing schemes by direct cash transfers will limit the state’s role in the provision of essential goods and services.

Read at: http://www.flonnet.com/stories/20121228292502100.htm 

Friday, June 29, 2012

Aadhaar and fingerprints: A tale of errors

My article in Frontline, on how error-prone fingerprints are as a unique identifier.





GOVERNANCE

A tale of errors

R. RAMAKUMAR


Contrary to the claims of the UIDAI, fingerprints are a highly inappropriate tool to uniquely identify individuals.


Read at: http://www.flonnet.com/fl2913/stories/20120713291303400.htm

Monday, March 19, 2012

Budget 2012-13: Class bias revealed, again


My article on Union Budget 2012-13, which appeared in Asian Age, dated 18 March 2012.

Read original here... or text below...

A widely heard comment on Budget 2012-13 was that it has given increased attention to the social sectors. That, clearly, is a claim overstated. Further, the meagre rise in social sector expenditure has come at a cost; the expenditure on crucial economic sectors has been cut.

To understand the budget better, it is important to understand its broad fiscal contours. Given his government’s misplaced commitment to reduce budget deficits, Pranab Mukherjee had some medium-term fiscal targets to meet. He had to reduce his revenue deficit from 4.4 per cent in 2011-12 to 2 per cent in 2014-15. His fiscal deficit had to decline from 5.9 per cent in 2011-12 to 3.9 per cent in 2014-15. At the same time, his government is an utter failure in revenue generation, particularly from the corporates. As share of GDP, his gross tax revenue is set to rise from 10.1 per cent in 2011-12 to just 10.6 per cent in 2012-13, and further to 11.7 per cent in 2014-15.

Thus, Mukherjee was stuck between two dogmas, both of which mark the political economy of his government. He had to cut deficits to please international investors, even as he was unable to tax the holy corporate cows enough to be able to follow a revenue-led deficit-reduction path. Mukherjee, then, had to cut expenditure somewhere.

Mukherjee has decided to go slow on raising revenue expenditures (RE). If the RE grew at 11.6 per cent between 2010-11 and 2011-12, it is to grow at a slower rate of 10.7 per cent between 2011-12 and 2012-13. Within the slowly growing RE, which is split into “Social Services” and “Economic Services”, Mukherjee has shuffled his priority items. Between 2010-11 and 2011-12 (RE), the spending on social services had sharply declined by -14.3 per cent, or Rs 16,559 crore. In this budget, Mukherjee has reversed the trend by increasing the spending on social services by Rs 19,603 crores, or 19.7 per cent. Thus, if we compare 2010-11 and 2012-13, the nominal spending on social services rises by a meagre Rs 3,044 crores, or just 2.6 per cent. In real terms, this is stagnation.

At the same time, spending on economic services has hardly risen between 2011-12 and 2012-13; the percentage rise is only 0.6 per cent, or Rs 2,419 crore. Within economic services, the spending on “crop husbandry” has fallen in absolute terms by -9.5 per cent. The spending on rural employment had fallen in absolute terms by Rs 4,840 crore between 2010-11 and 2011-12. Mukherjee has raised this expenditure by just Rs 2000 crore between 2011-12 and 2012-13. Thus, there is a fall in net spending on rural employment by Rs 2,840 crore between 2010-11 and 2012-13.

If we dissect this pattern further, the reason for the fall in growth of revenue expenditure is a sharp cutdown of major subsidies. Major subsidies are to absolutely fall by a whopping Rs 28,949 crore between 2011-12 and 2012-13. Fertiliser subsidies are to see the sharpest cut of Rs 6,225 crore, while food subsidies are budgeted higher by a meagre Rs 2,177 crore. Within both food and fertiliser subsidies, it is rather outrageous that the Budget is pinning hopes on the Aadhaar project, which stands thoroughly discredited today.

Let us take the Aadhaar project. Consensus is growing that the introduction of Aadhaar in social sector schemes has long-term implications to their inclusiveness. It is becoming clear that Aadhaar is being used by the government to hasten the dismantling of the public distribution system (PDS), and replace it with food coupons and direct cash transfer schemes. While the real challenge in PDS is to expand its coverage to newer sections and universalise it, Aadhaar is showcased as an intervention that would actually make PDS as narrowly targeted as possible.

Further, the legal basis of Aadhaar scheme itself is in doubt, with the Standing Committee of the Parliament recently rejecting the UID Bill. This Committee report had torn apart the faith placed on biometrics to prove the unique identity of individuals. It had noted that “the scheme is full of uncertainty in technology” and is built upon “untested, unreliable technology”. The report concluded that, given the limitations of biometrics, “it is unlikely that the proposed objectives of the UID scheme could be achieved”. However, in gross disregard to the sanctity of Parliamentary ethics, Mukherjee has announced that “a public distribution system network is being created using the Aadhaar platform”.

As mentioned earlier, the deficit reduction strategy in the Budget is flawed primarily because the process is expenditure-led and not revenue-led. The interest shown by the Budget in cutting subsidies and deficits is hardly to be seen in collecting revenues/taxes. Between 2009-10 and 2010-11, the total revenue foregone of the government (by way of tax exemptions) was 4.59 lakh crore. Between 2010-11 and 2011-12, another Rs 69,727 crore had been added to this uncollected revenue; the total revenue foregone in 2011-12 stood at Rs 5.29 lakh crore. Out of this, Rs 51,292 crore was taxes foregone through corporate tax.

The mantra of inclusion repeated in the budget is just rhetoric. The budget clearly aims at withdrawing the state further from public provisioning to the poor, and leaving them in the lurch at the marketplace. While doing so, it goes the extra mile to ensure that corporate honchos are in good humour. Social scientists call this “class bias”.


(There were two errors in the original article in Asian Age, which have been corrected here.)

Friday, December 16, 2011

Aadhaar: Time to Disown the Idea

My article in The Hindu on the report of the Parliament's Standing Committee on Finance that rejected the National Identification Authority of India Bill, 2010.

Aadhaar: time to disown the idea

R. Ramakumar
The government should pay heed to the parliamentary standing committee's views and suspend the Aadhaar project. It would be a travesty to push the project in through the backdoor.

Wednesday, November 16, 2011

Frontline cover story on UID/Aadhaar


This fortnight's Frontline has a cover story on Aadhaar. The set of articles are below.

Identity concerns: R. Ramakumar
 
Interview: with R. S. Sharma, Director-General and Mission Director, UIDAI
 
Parties in confusion: Venkitesh Ramakrishnan
 
A case for privacy: A. G. Noorani
 
PDS in peril: R. Ramakumar
 
Enrolment saga: Usha Ramanathan
 
How reliable is UID?: R. Ramachandran
 
Interview: with Dr Edgar Whitley, London School of Economics
 


Tuesday, September 20, 2011

My response to UIDAI's R. S. Sharma


Here is my response to UIDAI Mission Director R. S. Sharma's "clarification" published in The Hindu. Sharma had written his clarification in reply to my earlier piece titled "Aadhaar: On a Platform of Myths" in The Hindu.

Response to UIDAI's clarification

R. Ramakumar

Monday, July 18, 2011

Aadhaar: On a platform of myths


From today's The Hindu:

Aadhaar: on a platform of myths

R. Ramakumar

"It is said that the greatest enemy of truth is not the lie, but the myth. A democratic government should not undertake a project of the magnitude of Aadhaar from a platform of myths. The lesson from the U.K. experience is that myths perpetrated by governments can be exposed through consistent public campaigns. India direly needs a mass campaign that would expose the myths behind the Aadhaar project."

Saturday, February 26, 2011

ആധാര്‍ പദ്ധതി അടിച്ചേല്‍പ്പിക്കില്ല : മുഖ്യമന്ത്രി




ഓരോ പൌരനും പന്ത്രണ്ട് അക്കമുളള സവിശേഷ തിരിച്ചറിയല്‍ കാര്‍ഡ് നല്കുന്ന കേന്ദ്ര സര്‍ക്കാരിന്റെ ആധാര്‍ പദ്ധതി സംസ്ഥാനത്ത് അടിച്ചേല്‍പ്പിക്കില്ലെന്ന് മുഖ്യമന്ത്രി വി.എസ്.അച്യുതാനന്ദന്‍ പറഞ്ഞു. കേരളത്തില്‍ ആധാര്‍ പദ്ധതിയുടെ ആരംഭവും അന്താരാഷ്ട്ര സ്വതന്ത്ര സോഫ്റ്റ്വെയര്‍ കേന്ദ്രത്തിന്റെയും ഉദ്ഘാടനം നിര്‍വഹിക്കുകയായിരുന്നു മുഖ്യമന്ത്രി. വ്യക്തിയുടെ അനുമതിയില്ലാതെ കേരളത്തില്‍ ആധാറിനാവശ്യമായ വിവരശേഖരണം സംസ്ഥാന സര്‍ക്കാര്‍ നടത്തില്ല. ഈ പദ്ധതി എന്താണെന്നും ഇതിന്റെ ഗുണദോഷവശങ്ങള്‍ എന്തെല്ലാമാണെന്നും പൊതുജനങ്ങളെ അറിയിക്കുന്നതിനാവശ്യമായ നടപടികളും സംസ്ഥാന സര്‍ക്കാര്‍ കൈക്കൊളളും. സംസ്ഥാനത്തിന്റെ ആവശ്യം അംഗീകരിച്ച് ആധാര്‍ പൂര്‍ണ്ണമായും സ്വതന്ത്ര സോഫ്റ്റ് വെയറിലേക്ക് കേന്ദ്രസര്‍ക്കാര്‍ മാറ്റിയെന്നും മുഖ്യമന്ത്രി പറഞ്ഞു.

ചടങ്ങില്‍ മേയര്‍ കെ.ചന്ദ്രിക അധ്യക്ഷയായി. സംസ്ഥാന ഐ.ടി മിഷന്‍ ഡയറക്ടര്‍ ഇഷിതാ റോയ്, യു.ഐ.ഡി.എ.ഐ ഡപ്യൂട്ടി ഡയറക്ടര്‍ അശോക് നല്‍വായ്, കൌണ്‍സിലര്‍മാരായ പാളയം രാജന്‍, ലീലാമ്മ ഐസക് സംബന്ധിച്ചു. തിരുവനന്തപുരം ടെക്നോപാര്‍ക്കിലാണ് അന്താരാഷ്ട്ര സ്വതന്ത്ര സോഫ്റ്റ്വെയര്‍ കേന്ദ്രം ആരംഭിച്ചു. അക്ഷയയും കെല്‍ട്രോണും ഐ.ടി @സ്കൂളും ചേര്‍ന്ന് സംസ്ഥാന ഐ.ടി മിഷന്റെ കീഴില്‍ തദ്ദേശസ്വയംഭരണ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളുടെ സഹകരണത്തോടെയാണ് സംസ്ഥാനത്ത് ആധാര്‍ പദ്ധതി നടപ്പാക്കുന്നത്.


Dated 25th February 2011
http://www.prd.kerala.gov.in/news/shonws.php?tnd=15&tnn=109097&ln=Directorate,%20Thiruvananthapuram

Friday, October 22, 2010

What the UID conceals

My article in The Hindu:

What the UID conceals

R. Ramakumar

The UID project has both ‘security' and ‘developmental' dimensions. The former leads to an invasive state; the latter leaves us with a retreating state.

Read on...click here...